On the 25th day of February 2023, Nigerians went to the polls to elect their President and all the members of the 10th National Assembly. Even though the contests were not without their usual intrigues, tensions, expectations, and surprises; it was relatively peaceful. In the end, a president-elect has been announced. But for about 11 Senatorial Districts and 36 Federal Constituencies where elections have been rescheduled, winners also have been announced for all the seats in the federal legislature, thereby leaving aggrieved contestants with the only option of approaching the court over any grievance.
Preparatory to the February polls, a lot of political watchers feared that the contests or competition was going to be very keen, intense, or even bloody. The build-up to the polls had been characterized by the trading of accusations and counter-accusations about what has been done and those left undone.
The three or four major political parties in the elections – the ruling All Progressives Congress (APC), the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), the Labour Party (LP), and the New Nigeria Peoples Party (NNPP) apparently threw their all into the contests. In the end, what has come out clearly is some bashing and condemnations for the electoral umpire, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) over its handling of the whole process. Although, it could be argued that it has become a political culture in Nigeria for losers not to lose gallantly; it is difficult to merely ignore some of the allegations being leveled against the Commission by Nigerians, especially those of the opposition political parties.
The goal of this piece is not to apportion blame as to what has been done and the things not being done. The write-up only seeks to consider the issues and lessons thrown up by the elections. First, the last election has clearly shown that religion and ethnicity still play a major part in the choice of political office seekers in Nigeria. It is observed that the Labour Party which had no known political structure anywhere could win in no fewer than 11 states and the Federal Capital Territory (FCT).
It will be recalled that the party was created in 2002 under the name, Party for Social Democracy (PSD) before changing its name to LP the following year. Up to now, Dr. Olusegun Mimiko, a former Governor of Ondo State has been the only one elected in 2009 as Governor under the Party’s platform, the highest feat the party has achieved. He later decamped to the PDP in 2014.
In the Senate, the LP had no single member until a senator decamped from the PDP to the LP late last year. In the House of Representatives, a member was elected from Ondo state but same defected to another party in 2011. His seat was later declared vacant by even the Nigerian Supreme Court. Another member elected from Oyo State under the LP to the House cross-carpeted to the APC in 2018. These known ones, show the LP had been without any structures. Yet, the party could garner a whopping over 6 million votes in the 2023 elections. Analysts have largely attributed (and in my opinion, rightly so) the success of the LP to the backing of the church which has served as the only known structure that the party has used. Even the pattern of voting especially that coming from the North Central zone points in that direction.
Second. The just concluded Presidential and National Assembly elections have shown that there is virtually nothing that can break a willing and determined people. It is no small surprise but a shock to a lot of people to see a political party with no known political structure displace others in their traditional strongholds. The case in point is that of the defeat of the APC by the LP in Lagos State. It is inconceivable that a party such as LP could trash the APC and its presidential flagbearer in Lagos which is known to always be within the grips of the flagbearer who had become a kingmaker over the years. Close watchers of political events in the country have reasoned that it is not the influence of the flagbearer that has waned but that the people are determined for a change, and therefore would not allow anything to stand in their way.
Third, the recent Presidential and National Assembly elections witnessed no fewer than 6 state Governors lose their bids to go to the Senate. These include Governors Samuel Ortom of Benue, Atiku Bagudu of Kebbi, Solomon Lalung of Plateau, Darius Ishaku of Taraba, Ifeanyi Ugwuanyi of Enugu Sate, Ben Ayade of Cross-River and Okezie Ikpeazu of Abia. Each of them has completed a two-term of 8 years in their various states. It cannot be imagined that with all the usual machinery at the disposal of these figures, they could lose elections in such a sweeping way. This only goes to show either or both of two things. It is either that the Nigerian electorate is fast becoming more sophisticated to demand performance and accountability ever than before or that the elections themselves were freer and fairer than they used to be. The belief in some quarters that the wind of the Obidient movement has swept the Governors away will be far from the truth if one considers that of all these individuals, only in Enugu State was the victorious candidate from the Labour Party.
Fourth, the elections under review clearly show that the youth armed with social media is fast constituting a serious force to be reckoned with now and in future elections. It is hardly controvertible that whatever strength the Obidient movement was able to muster within the short period preceding the elections is largely attributable to the youth and its activity in the social media space. The result is what we have witnessed in the outcome of the elections. A lot of observers have noted that if the same youth had matched its activeness in the social media space with voters’ turnout at the elections, the candidate of the Labour Party whom the majority of these youth worked for would have been a candidate very difficult to beat. Unfortunately, this was not so as it has been observed that most of these youth did not exercise the ultimate civil obligation of voting for their preferred candidates.
Fifth, it is now becoming clearer than ever that no presidential candidate in Nigeria can emerge by just the votes of either the Northern or Southern Region of Nigeria. This has been evident in the spread of the votes of the three leading candidates and their chances of emerging as they would be in past elections.
Since it is not possible and practicable for a candidate to have all the votes of either the South or the North, it is persistently required that for a presidential candidate to emerge, he/she much look up to the votes of the electorate outside his/her own region. In the current elections, even though the candidate of the PDP was able to win in 9 of the states in the North, and 3 of the ones in the South, he still needed to do more for him to be able to make the expected mark. A similar analysis could be done with the LP that won in 9 of the states in the South and 2 of those of the North in addition to the FCT. What about the APC that was able to triumph in 5 of the states in the South and 7 of the ones in the North? The spread and pattern of the votes in the elections only lend credence to the point being canvassed.
These are a few of the issues that will occupy our national discourse in the days, months, and years ahead.
Written by Bamidele Jacobs.